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Le coin à Meche

Jeudi 26 mai 2011 4 26 /05 /Mai /2011 12:29

 

Par Mercedes Aguirre

 

Duermo. Duermo en camisa de pijama de franela para la gente grande. La camisa me queda lo suficientemente grande como para ser un camisón pequeño, más bien corto. El cabello lo tengo trenzado. La trenza es de lado y el cabello despeinado porque siempre doy vueltas mientras duermo. No sé que hora haya sido, pero todos en la casa ya se habían levantado. Por casualidad estábamos todos (menos mi hermana) visitando a la abuelita Pepita en el DF. Yo había llegado con mi mamá para que le hicieran una operación y mi papá estaba de visita mientras se iba a Colima. Mi abuelito salió temprano esa mañana y no lo vimos sino hasta entrada la tarde.

 

Mi papá llegó corriendo cuando empezó el sismo. Yo pensé que me quería hacer cosquillas, que quería jugar conmigo como siempre, pero lo que quería hacer esta vez era sacarme de la casa porque ya había empezado el temblor. Me cargó agarrándome los muslos con un brazo y con el otro la espalda, como se carga a los niños más grandes y a la gente adulta, como se carga a la gente que se te desparrama y ya no cabe cómodamente entre tus brazos como un bebé. Yo me agarré de su cuello y vi como pasaban bajo sus pies las líneas, las ranuras de entre la loseta del patiecito de mi abue.

 

Mi mamá y mi abue ya estaban afuera y cuando mi papá me bajó. Me acuerdo que me dio un poco de pena que los vecinos me vieran en mi disfraz de pijama de hombre y trenza desgreñada. Los cables de la calle hacían movimientos oscilatorios, los coches se movían de la misma manera que los mueven los manifestantes cuando quieren que un coche se voltee (o cuando quieren pegarle un susto al que viene dentro.) Mi mamá comentó, años más tarde, que mi papá valientemente me había sacado de la casa para que recibiera chicotazos de los cables de la luz. Qué impresionante ha de ser ver que se revientan los cables de la luz durante un temblor; como ver latigazos del cielo.

 

Las vecinas de enfrente ya estaban en la banqueta cuando mi papá y yo salimos de la casa. Una de ellas lloraba y decía “¡Díos mío, perdónanos!” La verdad es que me dio lástima verla así. Unos segundos después de haber visto a la vecina arrodillada pidiendo perdón, mi papá gritó “¡Miren!” y señaló el extremo derecho de la calle. Una pared de ladrillos de unos 8 metros de largo (y sin barrillas) se derrumbó por completo, dejando a la vista un terreno baldío. Muchos edificios por muchas partes del D.F. se derrumbaron de igual manera.

 

La casa de la abuelita no sufrió daño alguno. En la colonia no se vio ningún estrago aparte de la barda del lote baldío, la cual fue reconstruida en unos pocos días. Teníamos la suerte de estar en un lugar en donde más que nada había casas viejas, de una sola planta y con buenos cimientos.

 

Después del temblor pasamos varias horas pegadas a la televisión y comiendo pan dulce. Digo “pegadas” porque no me acuerdo de que hubiera estado mi papá. Me pregunto en donde estaba mi abuelito mientras todo esto sucedió. A través de la televisión vimos como toda una ciudad quedó tremendamente dañada, y entre los lugares más dañados estuvo Tlatelolco. Mi abue hizo un comentario al estilo de “Yo siempre les he dicho que Tlatelolco es un lugar de tragedia.” En esa época yo pasaba mucho tiempo en Tlatelolco porque mi mejor amiga, Ixquic, vivía ahí con su mamá.

 

Esa noche mi abuelito llegó borracho. Llegó con su corte de pelo de siempre, relamido con vaselina pero ya todo desbaratado, igual que el de los hombres de las películas de los años cuarenta después de una pelea a puño limpio. Llegó como un héroe pasado de moda, un anacronismo, como un superman con capa rota. Antes de llegar a la casa deambuló borracho y tambaleante por las calles de ese DF en decadencia. Solo puedo imaginar cuantas transformaciones sufrió esa ciudad ante sus ojos mucho antes de que el sismo ocurriera. Llegó a la casa como un amago de nostalgia. Su plática fue alegre y ligera; despistada. Me imagino que tomó para entumecer el dolor. Nos enseñó una moneda nueva, una moneda chiquita de cinco pesos. Sentí que el mundo de verdad estaba cambiando.

 

Pasaron las horas y luego todo el mundo comenzó a contar lo que les había pasado cuando ocurrió el temblor. Ixquic estuvo en el metro y dijo que sintió como casi se le iban las patas del puro miedo. Rolando, su papá, había estado en Tlatelolco y vio como una señora le reclamaba a dios que por qué castigaba así a la humanidad, para después caminar unas cuantas cuadras y encontrarse a un señor que le mentaba la madre al gobierno por haber construido edificios tan deficientes. Los matices de una nación.

 

Como hubo muchos problemas con las conexiones telefónicas, se estableció un servicio especial de operadoras que te pasaban mensajes. A nosotros nos llegó un mensaje de la familia Paniagua que querían saber si estábamos bien. Mientras tanto mi hermana estaba en Pennsylvania viendo a México por la televisión y preguntándose si se había quedado sin familia.

 

Empezaron las labores de rescate y aproximadamente un día después hubo otro sismo, esta vez por la noche. El segundo sismo fue peor porque ya se sabía que era lo que podía pasar. Me puse muy nerviosa y empecé a hacerle varias sugerencias a mi mamá: ¿Por qué no nos metemos debajo de la mesa? ¿Por qué no nos metemos debajo del marco de la puerta? Mi mamá me dijo que me calmara y eso me molestó. También me molestó la actitud de mi abuelito que andaba bien campante preparándose su café con leche en la cocina como si nada estuviera pasando.

 

Recuerdo más imágenes de la televisión, por ejemplo rescatistas sacando a personas de los escombros de un hospital. Lo más impactante fue cuando sacaron a un bebé con vida; fue como un verdadero parto colectivo. Había luces que alumbraban fuertemente los escombros y al niño lo sacaron con todo y tubitos de suero que le colgaban del cuerpo, eran como sus nuevos cordones umbilicales. Mientras los señores con casco sacaban al niño me dije Dios mío, este niño está naciendo por segunda vez. La gente emocionada gritaba ¡México! (dos palmas) ¡México!

Publié dans : Le coin à Meche - Par Meche
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Vendredi 10 décembre 2010 5 10 /12 /Déc /2010 08:00

 

Par Mercedes Aguirre 

 

The topic of present day Indigenous demographics in any country on the American continent is a complex one. To speak of present day Indigenous demographics, is to unveil a complex narrative where subjects such as history, policy and identity are intricately interwoven. In this paper, a comparative analysis of Mexico, the U.S. and Canada, will present select factors important to shaping Native demographics. This analysis will offer a glimpse of the complexity of this subject, by comparing three countries with both disparate and similar histories, policies and infrastructures.

 

Indigenous, Colonizer & Mixed Blood Demographics

 

One of the most startling differences one finds when comparing present day Indigenous demographics in North America, is how large the Native population in Mexico is, in comparison to that of the U.S. and Canada. Recent statistics show that there are over 10 million Indigenous people in Mexico (CDI, 2005), versus 4.5 million in the U.S (Census Bureau, 2008) and slightlyover 1 million in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2006).

 

When looking at these statistics, one must take into account that in both Canada and the U.S., individuals of mixed ancestry (Indigenous & other) can be (and often are) counted as Indigenous in their country’s census. This policy is particularly visible in Canada, where the Métis (individuals of Indigenous and European ancestry) are classified as one of the three main Indigenous groups.

 

On the other hand, the Mestizo in Mexico generally do not consider themselves Native, and this self-identification lowers the Indigenous population count significantly. If the majority of Mestizo in Mexico considered themselves Native, this would make the Indigenous population count soar. Under this metric, the Indigenous population would represent 69.8 % to 89.8% of the total population (INMEGEN, 2008), versus the 9.8% that it currently represents (CDI, 2005). Regardless of the metric, one thing is clear: the Indigenous population in Mexico is larger than that of the U.S. and Canada. In fact, current census figures reveal that Mexico’s Native population, is almost equal to that of the U.S. and Canada combined.

 

A factor that very likely played a role in shaping this startling difference in current demographics, is the pre-Columbian population count. Pre-Columbian population estimates show that circa 1492, the Indigenous population for the territory known today as Mexico, was over seventeen million. This figure, more than quadruples the population count estimates for the rest of the North American territory, which was over three million (Benjamin, 23).

 

Colonizer demographics also played a role in shaping Indigenous demographics. In the case of Mexico, the Spanish colonizers were largely unaccompanied men, which contributed to the creation of a largely Mestizo population. In the Canadian context, “European (usually French) fur traders cohabitated with Native women, particularity Cree” (Talbot, 37). Their descendants are the Métis, who today represent 1.5% of the Canadian population. Also, entire families from England migrated to the territories known today as the U.S. and Canada. This colonizer demographic initially reduced the possibility of a mixed population in both countries, at least in comparison to that of Mexico. However, it must be noted that the current Indigenous population in the U.S. is becoming increasingly mixed. As of 2001, U.S. Natives had “the highest rate of intermarriage of any group (75 percent).” (Weaver, 33)

 

Disease, Violence and Imposed Socioeconomic Conditions

 

The mission system in California (part of both Mexico and U.S. history) exemplifies how disease, violence and imposed socioeconomic conditions, contributed to shaping the Indigenous population. The missions brought geographically dispersed Natives together (Benjamin, 321), and contributed to the spread of Eurasian infectious diseases to which the Natives were not immune. These diseases “easily ravaged the concentrated mission populations” (Talbot, 141).

 

The missions kept Natives as de facto slaves who performed hard labor for no pay, and were severely punished if they attempted to flee, or for even the smallest infractions. Common punishments included: “whipping with a barbed lash, solitary confinement, mutilation, use of hobbles, branding or even execution.” (Talbot, 141)

 

Besides these harrowing punishments, the Indigenous people also endured more subdued forms of violence in the form of imposed socioeconomic conditions. Malnutrition was a “persistent problem” (Talbot, 141), and the Natives’ living quarters were less than desirable. The men were “confined to coffin-like rooms with barely enough space in which to lie down, and the women and girls were housed in bare dormitories.” (Talbot, 141)

 

Policies, National Wealth & Programs Targeting the Indigenous Population

 

The Genocide Convention adopted by the United Nations in 1948 outlaws “acts causing serious bodily or mental harm” (Talbot, 140) as it considers them a form of genocide. The California mission system would certainly be considered a genocidal enterprise under the Convention, since the Indigenous population endured torture and de facto slavery in these Spanish settlements. Another form of genocide, as defined by the Convention, entails “imposing measures to prevent birth” (Talbot, 140). A more recent chapter in North American history, exemplifies this form

of genocide, as it involved sterilizing Indigenous women without following a proper consent protocol.

 

In the U.S. during the 1970s, there was an aggressive sterilization campaign in which 90% of sterilizations of low-income women were publicly funded (Torpy, 176). There is extensive documentation of sterilizations, that were unlawfuly performed in Indigenous communities under this program. Specifically, “the majority of consent forms used, did notadequately satisfy the federal regulations of informed consent” (Torpy, 178). Also, there was a lack of Native language interpreters to assist in the informed consent process (Torpy, 181).

 

It should be noted that given the small Native U.S. population, the effects of this sterilization campaign had exponential consequences for Indigenous communities. These exponential consequences are well represented in the government-issued GAO study. This study reported that 3,406 Indian sterilizations (which were performed in five cities the study covered), would be “comparable to 452,000 sterilizations of non-Indian women.” (Torpy, 178).

 

Another example of a program that had an effect on North American Indigenous demographics, is the boarding school system. Both the U.S. and Canada each developed such systems starting in the late 1800s and into the twentieth century.

 

This system was developed in the U.S. and Canada in the late 1800’s and into the 20th century. In both countries “authorities saw the schools as a tool that would help erase Indian cultural identity.” (Nichols, 230). More specifically, “to wean the Indian children from their tribal heritage, educators used English to replace their Native languages” (Nichols, 229). This enterprise, must have certainly contributed to the loss of Native languages in the U.S., therefore shaping U.S. and Canadian Indigenous demographics. The U.S. has 47 extinct languages out of the original 223 Native languages. In Canada, there are 4 extinct languages out of the original 82. (Benjamin, 323).

 

In the Mexican context, there was also an effort to linguistically assimilate Indigenous communities. This happened through Indigenista government policy, roughly between 1920 and 1940. Through this program, “most Indians were bilingual by 1940.” (Talbot, pg. 44). Today, Mexico has 7 extinct Native languages out of the original 294 (Benjamin, 323). If we compare these figures to those of Indigenous Canadian and U.S. languages, Mexican Natives have fared better (linguistically speaking), than their counterparts. This, since they have mantained a higher number of their original languages. Indigenous language preservation could be attributed, at least in part, to Indigenista government policy, which appears to have supported an ideology of inclusion. Reportedly, the Mexican government “planned to proceed without eradicating Indian culture” (Talbot, 44) in their Indigenismo efforts. However, it must be noted that economics must have also played a role in Indigenous language preservation in Mexico, given this country’s third world status. In other words, given Mexico’s economic infrastructure, this country wouldhave been less likely to support programs of the magnitude of those carried out by its fellow North American countries. A monetary analysis of the investments made to gargantuan projects such as the boarding school systems in the U.S and Canada, is likely to reveal astounding numbers.

 

Through this brief analysis of present day North American Indigenous demographics, factors important to shaping these demographics have been presented. Some of the intricacies that accompany discussions regarding Indigenous demographics have been acknowledged, and due to the brevity of this paper, many topics have been left unmentioned. To discuss present day Indigenous demographics, is to engage in a rich dialogue where a great variety of subjects intersect, setting the stage for a complex interdisciplinary conversation. A few of these subjects include: genetics, migration and borders, land rights, blood quantum policies, treaties, alliances and racism. It is truly no wonder why this subject has generated several full-length books.

 

Bibliography :

 

Benjamin, Thomas. The Atlantic World: Europeans, Africans, Indians and Their Shared History, 1400-1900. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 2009

 

Edmunds, R. David. “Native Peoples of Mexico.” Native American Voices. Ed. Susan Lobo, Traci L. Morris, Steve Talbot. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2010. 42-45

 

Nichols, Roger L., Indians in the United States and Canada: A Comparative History. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998

 

Talbot, Steve. “First Nations: Indigenous Peoples of Canada.” Native American Voices. Ed. Susan Lobo, Traci L. Morris, Steve Talbot. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2010. 36-40.

 

Talbot, Steve. “Genocide of California Indians.” Native American Voices.Ed. Susan Lobo, Traci L. Morris, Steve Talbot. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2010. 140-144

 

Weaver, Hilary N., “Indigenous Identity: What is it, and who really has it? Native American Voices. Ed. Susan Lobo, Traci L. Morris, Steve Talbot. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2010. 140-144

 

Statistical Agencies :

 

Mexico

CDI

http://www.cdi.gob.mx/

INMEGEN

http://www.inmegen.gob.mx/

 

Canada

Statistics Canada

http://www.statcan.gc.ca

 

United States

U.S. Census Bureau

http://www.census.gov/

 

Publié dans : Le coin à Meche - Par Meche - Communauté : Nos Voyages
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Mercredi 27 janvier 2010 3 27 /01 /Jan /2010 15:09

 

IMG 4543


Par Mercedes Aguirre


Once, strolling through a farmer’s market in Rennes, France I came upon an unexpected sight: a fruit & vegetable stand with a heap of cactus figs. I told myself this was definitely something worth photographing, so I took my camera out. The stand’s vendor found this amusing; he leaned-in to be in the picture and waved at the camera. I told the vendor that the fruit I had just taken a picture of (known in France as figue de barbarie), was originally from my native Mexico; he smiled, we shook hands and I continued on my stroll.

This was the very first time I became aware of the fact that cactus figs (also known as Indian figs) were eaten in countries outside of Mexico. I always thought of both cactus figs and the prickly pear cactus or Opuntia (which bears cactus figs) as quintessentially Mexican. Both are, after all, part of Mexico’s coat of arms and an important part of traditional Mexican meals. Another indication of the importance of the prickly pear cactus (and its products) in Mexican identity can be found in pop culture. In this domain, the word nopal (the stem segments of the prickly pear cactus) is playfully used to denote Mexicaness. Some examples of this use are the rock & blues band Heavy Nopal as well as the music label Nopal Beat Records.

The prickly pear cactus is native to Mexico, but it can be found throughout the world. In fact, there are countries (other than Mexico) where this cactus has become a strong part of people’s identities, and perhaps the best example of this is Israel. According to wikipedia, in this country “the cactus fig is called tzabar... This is the origin of the slang term sabra for a native-born Israeli Jew …The word is… related to the Arabic word for aloe/cactus, "sabr," which means patience. The allusion is to a tenacious, thorny desert plant with a thick hide that conceals a sweet, softer interior, i.e., rough and masculine on the outside, but delicate and sensitive on the inside.”

Another good example of how the prickly pear cactus has become a part of national identity (albeit briefly), is the case of Malta. According to wikipedia “The 1975-1988 version of the coat of arms of Malta … featured an opuntia.”

While the prickly pear cactus is an important part of proud national identity in some parts of the world, in others it is viewed in a negative light. Perhaps the prime example of this is Australia. A paragraph extracted from North West Weeds, an Australian government website, speaks for itself.

“Prickly pear is in our history books as one of the most invasive weeds ever imported into Australia. It had a devastating impact on life in rural eastern Australia during the early part of the 20th century. Special acts of Parliament were passed to enforce control measures in an attempt to halt its spread through Queensland and New South Wales”

http://www.northwestweeds.nsw.gov.au/prickly_pear_history.htm

However, one could suspect that the presence of Opuntia in Australia has been two-fold. This, since according to a journal article by Jeffrey C. Kaufmann (Ethnology, Vol. 43, 2004) “Sheep and cattle ranchers in Australia have colonized dry lands by feeding prickly pear to their stock”. Actually, it appears that the prickly pear cactus has played an important role in agriculture throughout the world. Kaufmann’s article is in fact titled “Prickly Pear Cactus and Pastoralism in Southwest Madagascar”, and it describes how cattle raisers have adopted several species of the prickly pear cactus into their subsistence patterns. This article also mentions how Opuntia has been used in Italy, Senegal and different parts of North Africa for hedging to act as a barrier against the elements.

I recently discovered that cactus fencing is also used in California. Some months ago, I went on a road trip with a friend from Chile (country where by the way, cactus figs are eaten with abandon). As we drove through wine country we spotted some prickly pear cacti on the side of the road and pulled over to steal some of its delicious fruit. The row of cacti had clearly been placed there to deter people from going into the vineyard below the road, but we had no interest in grapes. My friend, a skilled cactus fig hunter, got to work by carefully knocking the fruit to the ground with the aid of a rock. Then we both painstakingly rolled the bounty on the ground to remove its fine thorns. Unknowingly and absentmindedly we were both participating in a ritual many people throughout the world must practice everyday: standing by a prickly pear fence, stealing its delicious fruit.

Publié dans : Le coin à Meche - Par Meche - Communauté : Nos Voyages
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Jeudi 15 octobre 2009 4 15 /10 /Oct /2009 18:09

 

Par Mercedes Aguirre

 

A few years ago I heard that a release of Proust’s Remembrance of Things Past in graphic novel form had stirred up a lot of controversy; something about how a great classic should not be relegated to the lowly ranks of pop culture. While I am not the biggest fan of the graphic novel (for example, I don’t collect them or attend comic book conferences), I do like them. I think they can be an excellent vehicle for introducing audiences to both literature and history, and a good tool for sparking interest in these topics. Perhaps more than anything else, I have a fondness for graphic novels since they were a part of my childhood.

In my childhood home in Mexico, one thing we always had in abundance were reading materials. We had everything from comic books of various different kinds (Wonder Woman, The Spirit, La familia Burrón), novels, magazines, newspapers and reference books. Children’s books ranged from standard fairy tales to stories where two young sisters rescued a herd of sheep from a blizzard, becoming their town’s heroines.

In the graphic novel department we had adaptations of both Oscar Wilde’s The Portrait of Dorian Gray and Edgar Allan Poe’s The Tell-Tale Heart. We also had several tomes of a collection of Mexican history in comic book form. As a child I spent many hours immersed in these publications, which at a young age transported me to places where murders were committed, hearts beat under wooden floors, revolutions were planned, hilarious stories were told, and sheep were valiantly saved. Watching the recently released DVD of the movie Persepolis, I went back in time to this childhood of rich visuals, captivating story lines, unforgettable characters and sometimes violent scenarios.

Persepolis, an animated film based on the graphic novel / memoir by the same name, tells the story of Iranian author Marjane Satrapi’s childhood and adolescence. I loved this film for various reasons. First off, its old-school animation (everything was drawn by hand) gave it a warmth that is hard to come by in animation nowadays. Also, the style of the movie’s drawings brought to mind several beloved publications from my childhood. The film’s aesthetics were reminiscent of the naïve style of drawing found in the comic book Mafalda, along with touches of the type of illustrations found in Antoine de Saint Exupery’s The Little Prince. Also, certain drawings in this movie strongly reminded me of visual elements found in traditional Chinese children’s books such as The Monkey King.

Besides its aesthetics, I also liked this film because it’s peppered with pop culture references from the eighties, the decade during which I came of age. Ultimately though, what made me like this movie the most is its story about an iconoclastic (and sometimes quirky) family. The film effortlessly combines the personal and the political, as it narrates the adversities a family must face due to the ever changing political landscape of their home country.

Watching the movie Persepolis, which has a story line composed mainly of flashbacks, I couldn’t help but be pulled back into my own past. Satrapi’s family reminded me very much of my own: the strong bond between family members, their liberal politics, their belief that girls should grow up to be strong, independent, well-educated women. This movie is to me, a film text that beautifully weaves aesthetics from my childhood books along with stories and values similar to those of my family’s.

This summer my mother and I will visit my sister and nieces who now live in Wisconsin. I know many hours will be spent talking about our family’s history, savoring my sister’s delicious meals, re-telling anecdotes, laughing, and also remembering those who are gone. Then as night falls, we will gather in front of the glaring T.V. screen watching Persepolis. As the story unravels, I will listen for my family’s laughter and gasps. In the bluish light I will watch their expressions to see if they, just as I did, recognize our family in the Satrapi family. I will lean back and indulge in having carried on a family tradition: sharing rich texts.

Publié dans : Le coin à Meche - Par Meche - Communauté : Cinéma
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Jeudi 15 octobre 2009 4 15 /10 /Oct /2009 17:55

 

Meche, diminutif de Mercedes, est une amie américano-mexicaine de longue date, qui a accepté de me laisser publier ses articles en anglais de temps en temps sur mon petit blog perso. Libre à elle d'en écrire bientôt en espagnol et même en français ...

Merci à toi.

Marco.

Publié dans : Le coin à Meche - Par Marcozeblog
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